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What language is mostly spoken in Cyprus?

Languages of Cyprus

Languages spoken in territory under control of the Republic of Cyprus (2011)
Greek (official)	80.9%
English	4.1%
Romanian	2.9%
Russian	2.5%

Is Cyprus Spanish or Greek?

What Kind of Government Does Cyprus Have? – Cyprus is a divided island with the northern portion under Turkish control. This is called “The Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus” but is only recognized as legitimate by Turkey itself. Supporters of the Republic of Cyprus may refer to the northern portion as “Occupied Cyprus”.

1. The southern portion is an independent republic called the Republic of Cyprus, sometimes referred to as “Greek Cyprus” though this is misleading.
2. It is culturally Greek but is not part of Greece.
3. The entire island and the Republic of Cyprus is part of the European Union, though this does not quite apply to the northern portion of the island under Turkish control.

To understand this situation, the official European Union page on Cyprus explains the details.

Is Greek and Cypriot the same language?

Luxury Holiday Apartments in Paphos We’ve all been there. You’re on holiday, making a bit of a mess of a cultural misunderstanding, apologising profusely and trying in vain to remove the foot from our mouth. Especially in Cyprus, where the differences with Greece are slight but key, it’s important to make sure we’re not all living up to the regular stereotype of the English abroad.

So, instead of just repeating the same thing in English but louder and slower, it might be time to pick up a little of the local customs and endear yourself to the people of Cyprus. Who knows, there might be a few smiles and even a couple of free drinks in it if you’re extra nice! Now, to start off with the basics, Greek and Cypriot Greek are not different languages.

Cypriot Greek is considered to be a dialect of the Greek language, much like Irish or Scottish English are considered to be dialects of Standard English. There are certain differences in vocabulary and grammar that can be put down to Cyprus’ distance from the rest of the Greek world and the influence of the various cultures and empires that have occupied Cyprus.

Don’t be surprised if you hear the occasional “mashallah” or “inshallah”, as the island was under the Muslim Ottoman Empire for around 300 years. Similarly, the half-century Cyprus spent as part of the British Empire can be seen in many loan words and the use of “Greeklish” at times. A Greek might think of Cypriot Greek as very old-fashioned, almost medieval with lots of phrases and words that a modern Greek would never use.

Imagine visiting a place where everyone speaks like they’re from the 1800s, and they occasionally throw in some Arabic or some English, well that’s Cyprus for a Greek. It has also become common online for Cypriots to use the Latin alphabet instead of the Greek one.

1. So, if you see Latin letters in an order you definitely don’t recognise, don’t worry, you’re not going insane, it’s just Cypriot Greek.
2. The differences between Greece and Cyprus go beyond just language, there are several cultural differences that separate them.
3. First of all, Cypriots drive on the left.

A very important difference to keep in mind while travelling, and another leftover from the British Empire times. The Cypriots also tend to have a classic island mentality, just like the British. They’re known to be less talkative and much more straightforward, especially in comparison to the stereotype of the “regular hot-headed Mediterranean”.

The food has some Italian influence, so don’t be surprised to see some Cypriot-style ravioli or cannelloni in the restaurants. Most Cypriots will be much happier to speak English than Greeks, as the island spent half of the 20th century under the British, and English continues to be taught in most schools.

Cypriots tend to run on “Mediterranean” time, so don’t stress out if you’re running a little late because it’s very much expected. During the summer don’t be surprised if some businesses close after lunch for a few hours. This is the Cypriot version of a siesta, but most shops, restaurants and tourist attractions should stay open.

1. It’s also important to be careful when talking about politics and the military.
2. Just take the “no politics at the dinner table” rule and apply it to everything else.
3. When you meet new people, they might reach in for a kiss on the cheek.
4. Don’t panic, don’t cry, this is normal! The regular number of kisses in Cyprus is two (one kiss on each cheek), so don’t overdo it.

On the money side, it’s usually best to leave a tip for your waiter, as not doing so in some restaurants can be seen as rude. For taxis, the drivers do sometimes leave the meter off and charge what they feel is right. If this doesn’t suit you feel free to ask them to turn the meter on before starting, rather than haggling after the drive.

Is Cyprus a part of the EU?

Cyprus and the EU

“Cyprus’ geographical position, the deep-lying bonds which, for two thousand years, have located the island at the very fount of European culture and civilization, the intensity of the European influence apparent in the values shared by the people of Cyprus and in the conduct of the cultural, political, economic and social life of its citizens, the wealth of its contacts of every kind with the Community, all these confer on Cyprus, beyond all doubt, its European identity and character and confirm its vocation to belong to the Community”. Opinion given by the European Commission on the application of Cyprus for membership to the EU in 1993

The Government of the Republic of Cyprus concluded an Association Agreement with the EEC on 19 December 1972, which entered into force on June 1, 1973. The full implementation of this two-stage Agreement was to lead to a Customs Union within a period of 10 years.

The purpose of the Agreement, which contained arrangements on trade, financial and technical cooperation that were to be applied for the benefit of the entire population of the island, was to consolidate and expand trade and the economic relations between Cyprus and the European Community. The main provisions of the first stage of the Agreement consisted of the phased reduction of tariffs on industrial goods and agricultural products.

This phase was due to expire in June 1977, but was extended until the end of 1987 when an Additional Protocol was signed for the implementation of the second stage. The Protocol intended to pave the way towards a progressive implementation of the goals of the Customs Union and entered into force on January 1, 1988.

As a first stage it provided for (a) the reduction by Cyprus of customs duties and quantitative restrictions on industrial products (except for petroleum products and 15 categories of sensitive products) and on 43 agricultural products covered by the Agreement, (b) the adoption by Cyprus of the Union’s Common Customs Tariff and (c) the harmonisation of accompanying policies on competition, state aid and the approximation of laws.

The second stage of the Protocol provided for the elimination of all remaining restrictions to trade for products included in the Customs Union, the free and unrestricted movement of industrial and agricultural products and the adoption of the accompanying policies required for completion of the Customs Union.

However, in view of the commencement of accession negotiations in March 1998, it was considered unnecessary to start additional negotiations for the implementation of this second phase. Since 1977 Cyprus and the European Economic Community signed four protocols on financial and technical co-operation providing for a financial aid of a total amount of 210 M ECU.

This aid included loans, grants, special loans and contributions to risk capital formation.

The total amount of the first two Financial Protocols (30 and 40 M ECU respectively) was used to finance infrastructure development projects in Cyprus such as the Sewerage System of Nicosia (second phase), the Water Development and Supply Project of Vassilikos – Pentaskinos, the Dhekelia Power Project, the Southern Conveyor Project, (first phase) and the Nicosia Master Plan – civil works and construction in Ledras/Onasagorou Streets in Nicosia and Kyrenia Avenue (in the occupied part of Nicosia). Part of the resources of the above Financial Protocols was used in projects of a bicommunal nature, which also benefited the Turkish Cypriot community. The Third Financial Protocol signed in l989, of a total amount of 62 M ECU, was used for financing projects in the productive sectors in order to facilitate their adjustment to the new competitive conditions arising from the Cyprus – EC Protocol for the Customs Union.

The Fourth Financial Protocol between the European Community and the Republic of Cyprus was signed in 1995 and initially covered the period until the end of 1998. It provided for a financial aid of a total amount of 74 M ECU, in the form of loans (50 M ECU), grants (22 M ECU) and risk capital (2 M ECU).

The aim of this protocol is to provide funding for projects, which promote the economic and social development of Cyprus, as well as projects, which facilitate the transition of the Cypriot economy, with a view to the accession of the country to the European Union. On March 10, 1999 an Additional Protocol was signed for the extension of the Fourth Financial Protocol until December 31, 1999.

The extension aimed at providing the opportunity for the disbursement of the entire grant component of the Fourth Financial Protocol, to be disbursed for harmonisation purposes, technical assistance, and towards supporting efforts to promote a general settlement of the Cyprus problem.

1. The projects approved for funding under the provisions of the Fourth Financial Protocol characterised as “bicommunal” were: 1.
2. Development of civil society 2.
3. Translation of parts of the acquis communautaire into Turkish In March 2000 the Council of Ministers approved the “Regulation for the Implementation of the Pre-accession Strategy of Cyprus and Malta” (2000-2004).

The regulation 555/2000 provided for the allocation of 57 M euros to Cyprus, aimed at facilitating the implementation of the country’s pre-accession strategy. The projects funded from the resources of the Financial Regulation fell under the provisions of Cyprus’ Accession Partnership and the National Programme for the Adoption of the acquis.

A special provision was also included in the Regulation for the funding of “bicommunal” projects facilitating the development of closer relations between the Greek Cypriots and the Turkish Cypriots. The bicommunal projects approved for the years 2000 and 2001 included the restoration of the Old Town of Nicosia on both sides of the cease fire line, the enhancement of links between the Trade Unions in Cyprus and a communication strategy aimed at educating the public.

On July 4, 1990 the Republic of Cyprus submitted an application for membership to the then EEC. After an extensive examination of the application the European Commission issued its Opinion (avis) on Cyprus’ application on June 30, 1993, which recognised the island’s European identity and character, as well as its vocation to belong to the EEC.

The Commission’s opinion also confirmed that Cyprus satisfies the criteria for membership and is suitable to become a member of the EEC. The European Council fully endorsed the opinion on October 4, 1993 stating, inter alia, that “The Council supported the Commission’s approach which was to propose, without awaiting a peaceful, balanced and lasting solution to the Cyprus problem, to use all the instruments offered by the Association Agreement to help, in close cooperation with the Cypriot Government, with the economic, social and political transition of Cyprus towards integration into the European Union”.

The substantive discussions the Commission initiated with Cyprus within the framework of the opinion began in 1993 and were completed in 1995. The Cyprus Government constituted 23 working groups, each of them responsible for familiarising itself with a different chapter of the acquis communautaire with which Cyprus needed to harmonise its legislation and adapt it with that of the European Union.

On June 24, 1994 in Corfu, the European Council noted that the next phase of enlargement of the Union would involve Cyprus and Malta. This was reaffirmed at the Essen European Council in 1994. On March 6, 1995, the General Affairs Council stipulated that accession negotiations with Cyprus would start six months after the conclusion of the Inter-Governmental Conference of 1996, taking its results into consideration.

Accordingly, a pre-accession strategy was formulated to prepare Cyprus for its accession to the EU, which provided for the establishment of a structured dialogue between the two sides. This dialogue, which also included a political dialogue on all levels, was particularly useful in helping Cyprus to harmonise its legislation, policies and practices with the European acquis and prepare itself for a smooth transition for membership.

Cyprus was also able to fully participate in certain Community Programmes, including Leonardo da Vinci, Socrates and Youth for Europe. The Decision of March 6, 1995 added a new momentum to the relations of Cyprus and the EU and brought the prospect of accession closer to realisation, while at the same time the EU was preparing itself for its next enlargement.

Examining the possible effects of the further enlargement of the EU, the Commission issued its “Agenda 2000” on 15 July 1997, a document that, apart from containing proposals on the future development of the policies of the Union, it also included specific references relating to the situation in Cyprus.

The Commission reaffirmed its 1993 Opinion, adding that ” the timetable agreed for accession negotiations to start with Cyprus means that they could start before a political settlement is reached f progress towards a settlement is not made before the negotiations are due to begin, they should be opened with the Government of the Republic of Cyprus as the only authority recognised by international law”.

The Luxembourg European Council of December 1997 decided that a new enlargement process was to be initiated with the ten applicant countries of Central and Eastern Europe and Cyprus, which included an enhanced pre-accession strategy and special pre-accession aid for the applicants.

• Moreover, it was decided to begin accession negotiations with Cyprus, Hungary, Poland, the Czech Republic, Estonia and Slovenia, which were launched on March 31, 1998.
• In March 1998, the former President of the Republic, Mr.
• George Vassiliou, was appointed Chief Negotiator for the Negotiations for the Accession of Cyprus to the EU and Coordinator of the Harmonisation process.

In the same month the Cyprus Government invited the Turkish Cypriots to appoint representatives as full members of the negotiating team for the accession of Cyprus to the EU. The invitation, endorsed and welcomed by all the EU member-states, was rejected by the Turkish Cypriot side.

The first stage of the accession negotiations, initiated with Cyprus on April 3, 1998, involved the analytical examination of the acquis communautaire, a process known as the “acquis screening”. This process was designed to determine the areas where the necessary changes in Cypriot law needed to take place in order to be harmonised with EU legislation.

The acquis screening phase of the negotiations was concluded in 2000, covering the new acquis up to January 1, 2000. From that point forward the screening process took place in the framework of the accession negotiations. Substantial discussions on the individual chapters of the acquis began on November 10, 1998.

In repeated Progress Reports, the Commission found that Cyprus had achieved a good degree of alignment with the acquis in most areas and was advanced towards reaching adequate administrative capacity to implement the acquis in a considerable number of fields. It also noted that Cyprus was generally meeting the commitments it had made in the accession negotiations and concluded that: ” in view of the level of alignment that Cyprus has achieved and its track record in implementing the commitments it has made in the negotiations, the Commission considers that Cyprus will be able to assume the obligations of membership in accordance with the envisaged timeframe “.

At the European Council in Laeken in December 2001 the EU emphasised that it was determined to bring the accession negotiations with the candidate countries to a successful conclusion by the end of 2002, so that those countries can take part in the European Parliament elections in 2004 as full members.

• It was also stressed that the candidate countries will continue to be assessed on their own merits, in accordance with the principle of differentiation.
• The European Council agreed with the report of the Commission, which considered that if the present rate of progress of the negotiations and reforms in the candidate states was maintained, Cyprus, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, Poland, the Slovak Republic, the Czech Republic and Slovenia could be ready for accession within that timetable.

The Seville European Council (21-22 June 2002) reaffirmed the determination of the European Union to conclude accession negotiations with Cyprus, Malta, Poland, Slovakia, Slovenia, Hungary, the Czech Republic, Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia by the end of 2002 in the case the countries were ready and also reiterated that the objective remained that these countries should participate in the elections for the European Parliament in 2004 as full members.

Enlargement was an important part of the Brussels European Council held on 24 and 25 October 2002 under the Danish Presidency. In the Presidency Conclusions the Council ” endorses the findings and recommendations of the Commission that Cyprus, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, Poland, the Slovak Republic and Slovenia fulfil the political criteria and will be able to fulfil the economic criteria and to assume the obligations of membership from the beginning of 2004 “.

The Union also confirmed its determination to conclude accession negotiations with these countries at the European Council in Copenhagen on 12-13 December and to sign the Accession Treaty in Athens in April 2003. The long and arduous process of the accession negotiations was completed by the Copenhagen European Council (December 2002), where the historic decision was taken to admit Cyprus and the other nine candidate countries as full members of the Union, as of May 2004: “Today marks an unprecedented and historic milestone in completing this process with the conclusion of accession negotiations with Cyprus, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, Poland, the Slovak Republic and Slovenia.

• The Union now looks forward to welcoming these States as members from 1 May 2004.
• This achievement testifies to the common determination of the peoples of Europe to come together in a Union that has become the driving force for peace, democracy, stability and prosperity on our continent.
• As fully fledged members of a Union based on solidarity, these states will play a full role in shaping the further development of the European project”.

“By successfully concluding the accession negotiations the Union has honoured its commitment that the ten acceding states will be able to participate in the 2004 European Parliament elections as members. The Accession Treaty will stipulate that Commissioners from the new member states will join the current Commission as from the day of accession on 1 May 2004.

• After the nomination of a new President of the Commission by the European Council, the newly elected European Parliament would approve a new Commission that should take office on 1 November 2004.
• On the same date, the provisions contained in the Nice Treaty concerning the Commission and voting in the Council will enter into force.

The necessary consultations with the European Parliament on these matters will be concluded by the end of January 2003. The above arrangements will guarantee the full participation of the new Member States in the institutional framework of the Union”.

The current enlargement provides the basis for a Union with strong prospects for sustainable growth and an important role to play in consolidating stability, peace and democracy in Europe and beyond. In accordance with their national ratification procedures, the current and the acceding states are invited to ratify the Treaty in due time for it to enter into force on 1 May 2004″.

On April 16, 2003 President Tassos Papadopoulos signed the Treaty of Accession of Cyprus to the European Union. The signing of this historic Treaty, which took place during a special ceremony in Athens, represents the cornerstone of Cyprus’ path towards accession to the European Union and forms a landmark in the modern history of Cyprus.

• It also constitutes the crowning achievement of the long effort by Cyprus to formally join the European family, to which it had always belonged geographically, historically, culturally, economically and politically.
• In his speech on the signing of the Treaty of Accession, President Papadopoulos stated: “The signing of the Accession Treaty constitutes a great and historic moment which seals indelibly Cyprus’ future course.

It constitutes at the same time the crowning achievement of a titanic effort by the Cypriot society and it is the landmark of its acceptance by a family to which it belongs geographically, historically, culturally, economically and politically. This historic achievement acquires even greater significance if seen in the light of the special conditions of Cyprus, the tragedy of the invasion and the continued Turkish occupation of part of our country and its grave consequences.

Cyprus not only withstood the cataclysmic consequences of occupation, but despite the tremendous difficulties and obstacles posed in her way, has managed today through hard work, perseverance and patience to attain the target of accession and now aspires to create the conditions that will overturn the facts of occupation and act as a catalyst for the achievement of a peaceful, lasting, viable, functional and just solution of the Cyprus problem for the benefit of all Cypriots and of peace, security and stability in the Eastern Mediterranean.

For the achievement of this historic result, the help and support of the Greek Government, the political leadership and the Greek people was of decisive importance. Cyprus owes a debt of gratitude to all the other member states of the European Union, the Commission and the European Parliament.

From now on Cyprus has the possibility to offer to all its citizens, including the Turkish Cypriots, not only conditions of peace, greater security and respect of the rights of all, but also its vision, aspirations and immense prospects which our accession to the European Union opens up. Cyprus’ accession negotiations were carried out in a positive and constructive environment.

Cyprus has been, at all times, ahead of all candidate countries, having the best performance and has repeatedly received praise and congratulations from European Union officials for the exemplary way in which she conducted the negotiations. All these years, the harmonisation has proceeded at a quite satisfactory tempo and the Cypriot society made all the necessary sacrifices to be ready for its integration into the European family.

1. The state machinery, in close and harmonious cooperation with the House of Representatives and organised social groups, enlisted itself in the service of completing this ambitious task”.
2. Cyprus ratified the Accession Treaty on July 14, 2003 and participated in the work and the institutions of the European Union as an active observer until its full accession.

On May 1, 2004, Cyprus became a full EU Member State, along with the other nine acceding countries – The Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, Poland, Slovakia and Slovenia. ( for the full text of the Athens Declaration). Following the country’s accession to the EU, the government of the Republic of Cyprus undertook the obligation to join the Economic and Monetary Union and to adopt the euro as soon as the necessary requirements were fulfilled.

Is Cyprus very English?

2. Almost everyone speaks English – Cyprus has two official languages: Greek and Turkish. Whilst most people on the island speak these two languages, roughly 73% of the population also speak English. So if you’re not fluent in Greek or Turkish, don’t worry – you’ll be able to get by easily with English in most parts of the island.

Why is Cyprus in the EU?

Accession to the European Union – In 2004, Cyprus became a full member of the European Union. Being a small, divided island nation, the European Union had represented an attractive solution to Greek Cypriots to act as a safety net against Turkey. In the autumn of 2004, Eurobarometer reported that seventy-three per cent of Cypriots believed that by being a member of the European Union, they felt more secure.

• Similarly, the identification of the European Union as a space of democratic values and an upholder of human rights significantly contributed to a positive image of Cyprus’ accession.
• The European Union presented itself as a project worth dedicating Cypriot loyalty to, hence delivering a sense of security and pride where neighbouring countries could not threaten their interests.

On 1 May 2004 Cyprus became a full member of the European Union, along with 9 other European countries.

EU Member countries	Date of accession
Cyprus Czech Republic Estonia Hungary Latvia Lithuania Malta Poland Slovakia Slovenia	1 May 2004

Is Cyprus still Greece?

The Greek Cypriots claim that the Cyprus problem was caused by the landing of Turkish troops in 1974 and that if only they would withdraw, the problem would be solved. This is a serious misconception, for modern Cyprus question began in 1960 and the landing of Turkish troops was the consequence, not the cause, of the problem.

• Cyprus is a complex political issue.
• It ultimately revolves around one fundamental fact: the existence of two distinct peoples on the Island, namely the Turkish Cypriots and the Greek Cypriots; and their relationship.
• The Island of Cyprus, which is geographically an extension of the Anatolian peninsula, has been a land of many conquests due to its proximity to the Middle Eastern countries and its strategic location at the cross-road of East and West.

Cyprus has seen a succession of rulers, namely Assyrians, Egyptians, Persians, Romans, Arabs, Crusaders and Turks who ruled the Island as part of the Ottoman Empire, from 1571 until 1878. Cyprus has never been a Greek Island. It is both useful and important to keep in mind that there has never been in Cyprus a “Cypriot nation” due to the distinct national, religious and cultural characteristics of each ethnic people who, in addition, speak different languages.

• It is also interesting to note that although the two peoples had lived together in the Island for centuries there were practically no inter-marriages and not even a single commercial partnership was set up.
• In March 1963 Archbishop Makarios said “The (Independence) Agreements have created a State, but not a Nation.” (The Greek Cypriot Cyprus Mail 28.3.63) This being so, any approach to the Cyprus question which regards Cypriots as one nation would be fundamentally flawed.

There are, in fact, two peoples of Cyprus – the Turkish Cypriots numbering about 200.000 and the Greek Cypriots numbering about 700.000. The Turkish Cypriots are mainly Moslems and the Greek Cypriots are mainly adherents of the Greek Orthodox Church. Cyprus lies 40 miles from the coast of Turkey, and Turkish people have inhabited the island since the 12th century.

• The Island is 250 miles from the nearest Greek island (Rhodes), and Athens is 460 miles away.
• The Greek and Turkish Cypriots lived relatively peacefully until Greece gained its independence from the Ottomans in 1821.
• The Greek Cypriot agitation for “Enosis” (the union of Cyprus with Greece), perpetrated by the Greeks, was further intensified with the change of administration in Cyprus (from Turkish to British) in 1878.

The ultimate aim of the Greeks and Greek Cypriots was to oust the British and annex Cyprus to Greece and in order to Hellenize the entire population of the Island. The period following the formal annexation of Cyprus by Britain in 1914 can be characterized as the high tide of Greek nationalistic ambitions in Cyprus.

The Greek Cypriots, in conspiracy with Greece, launched a violent campaign for annexing the Island to Greece in 1955. The terrorist organization EOKA, under the guidance of Archbishop Makarios, indiscriminately murdered everyone in their way, the British (the then colonial rulers), the Turkish Cypriots and even some of their kinsman, who were opposed to the idea of “Enosis”.

Today, the Cyprus question can perhaps be summarized as follows: The partnership Republic formed in 1960 between the two peoples of Cyprus broke down in 1963. For the time being, Greek and Turkish Cypriots live apart. Does the future of Cyprus lie in a new political integration or in an arms length relationship based on willing and active co-operation between two peoples, each secure in its own sovereign territory and each with its own customs, traditions and identity? On 15th August 1996 The Daily Telegraph wrote “Turkish Cypriots have constitutional right on their side and understandably fear a renewal of persecution if the Turkish army withdraws.

Almost nowhere in the world is there a lasting peace that is not based on people’s rights to govern themselves.” Everyone who wishes Cyprus well, prefers to look to the future but some commentators will readily use the events of 1974 to argue that the present state of affairs is unacceptable. They do not however go back before 20th July 1974.

Refusal to consider the preceding 15 years means that important legal and political issues wrongly determined in favour of the Greek Cypriots remain as a continuing source of tension between the former partners. The most important of these issues is international acceptance of the Greek Cypriot regime as the government of all Cyprus and refusal to recognise the right of the Turkish Cypriots to establish their own structure.

1. It is therefore necessary to look in some detail at the reasons why the present situation has arisen and why, in consequence, both sides and particularly the less numerous Turkish Cypriots need reliable safeguards for their future.
2. One of the most remarkable features of the Cyprus question is the extent to which the Greek Cypriots have been able to repudiate solemn international agreements and violate the human rights of the Turkish Cypriots on a massive scale and yet by a quite astonishing feat of public relations, have secured for themselves recognition as the government of all Cyprus and have persuaded the world that they, and not the Turkish Cypriots, are the victimized party.

The consequence of this is that they have been able to extract one sided resolutions from the United Nations and other international organisations, and have been able to secure court judgments based on the fact of recognition which have been immensely damaging to the Turkish Cypriots.

1. The Turkish Cypriots have, for about forty years, been deprived of an official voice in the world and have been deprived of the financial resources to match the Greek Cypriots in the presentation of their case to the world community.
2. For more than forty years – ever since the overthrow of the 1960 Agreement – the Turkish Cypriots and their government have been faced with one of the hardest tasks in the whole range of international affairs – how to get the world to change its mind after it has got hold of the wrong end of the stick and clung to it year after year.

THE 1960 PARTNERSHIP REPUBLIC As the Greek Cypriots continued to demand “Enosis”, the Turkish Cypriots demanded their rightful share of Cyprus and maintained strong resistance to Greek Cypriot ambitions When Britain decided to decolonise the Island, in the House of Commons on 19th December 1956 the Colonial Secretary, Alan Lennox-Boyd, pledged that “it will be the purpose of Her Majesty’s Government to ensure that any exercise of self-determination should be effected in such a manner that the Turkish Cypriot community, no less than the Greek Cypriot community, shall in the special circumstances of Cyprus be given freedom to decide for themselves their future status.” Although by then the Greek Cypriots were more numerous, the Turkish Cypriots had lived in Cyprus as a distinct community for more than 400 years; and in exercise of their right of self-determination they were willing to join in forming a new partnership Republic, embracing the whole of the island (less the British sovereign bases) only if that basic fact of political life in Cyprus was formally recognised.

• The alternatives to this partnership were: two separate states, a condominium, division of the island between Greece and Turkey, return of the Island to Turkey under the 1878 Lease, or continued British rule.
• The negotiations in Zurich and London preceding independence were long and difficult, but it was eventually agreed by way of compromise between all five participants; Britain, Greece, Turkey, the Turkish Cypriots, and the Greek Cypriots; that the new state would be a bi-communal partnership Republic with a single international identity, but a unique Constitution which embodied an agreed political partnership between Greek and Turkish Cypriots, and which prohibited the political or economic union of Cyprus with any other state.

As a compromise solution to the conflicting aspirations of the two ethnic peoples, the Republic of Cyprus was established in 1960. The Zurich and London Agreements of 1959 paved the way to a new Cyprus Republic, which was a bi-national partnership State, based on the political equality of the two peoples as co-founder partners of the new Republic.

The sovereignty of Cyprus was limited by the guarantor rights given to three countries, namely Turkey, Greece and the UK. Therefore, the 1960 settlement was a “sui generis” one. At the conclusion of the negotiations, the then Greek Cypriot leader, Archbishop Makarios, said “Sending cordial good wishes to all the Greeks and Turks of Cyprus, I greet with joy the Agreement reached and proclaim with confidence that this day will be the beginning of a new period of progress and prosperity for our country”.

On 6th March 1959, President Eisenhower endorsed the agreement as “a victory for common sense” an “imaginative act of statesmanship” and “a splendid achievement.” (US Dep. of State Bulletin p.367). In the first Presidential elections in Cyprus Mr.John Clerides (father of Glafcos Clerides) stood against Makarios on a platform of opposition to the 1960 Agreements and lost by a majority of two to one of the Greek Cypriot electorate.

The bi-communal structure was fundamental to the 1960 accords, on the basis of which the Republic of Cyprus achieved independence, and recognition as a sovereign state from the international community. Accordingly, from its very inception the Republic of Cyprus was never a unitary state in which there is only one electorate with a majority and minority.

The two communities were political equals and each existed as a political entity, just as both large and small states exist within the structure of the European Union. They did not however have the same constitutional rights because the agreements took into account the fact that there were more Greek Cypriots than Turkish Cypriots.

Nowing that they could not enforce the 1960 agreement themselves, the Turkish Cypriots would never have agreed to join the new Republic if the Greek Cypriots had not accepted a Treaty of Guarantee which gave Turkey a legal right to intervene, with troops if necessary. The parties to the Treaty were the United Kingdom, Turkey, Greece, and the Republic of Cyprus.

Independence was formally granted on 16th August 1960. As stated above, the case of Cyprus is sui generis, for there is no other State in the world which came into being as a result of two politically equal peoples coming together by the exercise by each of its sovereign right of self-determination, to create a unique legal relationship, which was guaranteed by international treaty, to which each of them consented.

In 1960, the two peoples brought about the bi-national state of Cyprus in line with the Zurich and London Agreements of 1959. They together, under agreed terms of cooperation and partnership, shared the legislative, executive, judicial and other functions. Matters which the two peoples had managed on a “Communal” basis over the centuries – like education, religion, family law, etc.- were left to the autonomy of the “Communal” administrations which had legislative, executive, and judicial authority over such matters.

In effect, a “functional federative system” had been established by the two co-founder peoples of the Republic. CONSTITUTION IGNORED It became clear very soon after the independence that the Greek Cypriots did not intend to abide by the Constitution, and that their entry into that solemn legal obligation with the Turkish Cypriots and the Guarantor Powers in 1960 had been a deception.

On 28th July 1960 the Greek Cypriot President Makarios said “the agreements do not form the goal -they are the present and not the future. The Greek Cypriot people will continue their national cause and shape their future in accordance with their will.” In a speech on 4th September 1962, at Panayia, Makarios also said: “Until this Turkish community forming part of the Turkish race which has been the terrible enemy of Hellenism is expelled, the duty of the heroes of EOKA can never be considered terminated.” At the time, the Turkish Cypriots were told by the outside world to take no notice of statements of this kind.

They were told that the statements were just rhetoric, or were for internal consumption within the Greek Cypriot community. However, the Turkish Cypriots were to discover very soon that when Greek Cypriot leaders make statements of that kind they should be taken seriously.

Similar statements are still being made by Greek Cypriot leaders even today, and Turkish Cypriots are still being urged not to take them seriously. The 1960 Constitution provided that separate municipalities be established for Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots. The Greek Cypriots refused to obey this mandatory provision and in order to encourage them to do so the Turkish Cypriots said they would not vote for the Government’s taxation proposals.

The Greek Cypriots remained intransigent, so the Turkish Cypriots took the matter to the Supreme Constitutional Court of Cyprus. The court comprised one Greek Cypriot judge, one Turkish Cypriot judge, and a neutral President. In February 1963 (Cyprus Mail 12.2.63) Archbishop Makarios declared on behalf of the Greek Cypriots that if the Court ruled against them they would ignore it.

• On 25th April 1963 the Court did rule against them and they did ignore it.
• The President of the Court (a German citizen) resigned and the rule of law in Cyprus collapsed.
• Even Greece was embarrassed by this Greek Cypriot behaviour.
• On 19th April 1963, Greek Foreign Minister Averoff had written to Makarios “It is not permissible for Greece in any circumstances to accept the creation of a precedent by which one of the contracting parties can unilaterally abrogate or ignore provisions that are irksome to it in international acts which this same party has undertaken to respect.” However, in November 1963 the Greek Cypriots went further, and demanded the abolition of no less than eight of the basic articles which had been included in the 1960 Agreement for the protection of the Turkish Cypriots, to which abolition the Turkish Cypriots naturally refused to agree.

The aim was to reduce the Turkish Cypriot people to the status of a mere minority, wholly subject to the control of the Greek Cypriots, pending their ultimate destruction or expulsion from the island. Insofar as the Constitution became unworkable, it was because the Greek Cypriot leadership refused to fulfil the obligations to which they had agreed.

1. The doctrine of necessity in international law applies to supervening impossibility due to extraneous and unforseen causes.
2. It does not apply to self-induced causes.
3. There is in particular no doctrine of necessity known to international law which could justify the slaughter of innocent men, women, and children.

At Christmas 1963 the Greek Cypriot militia attacked Turkish Cypriots across the island, and many men, women, and children were killed.270 of their mosques, shrines and other places of worship were desecrated. On 2nd January 1964 the Daily Telegraph wrote “The Greek Cypriot community should not assume that the British military presence can or should secure them against Turkish intervention if they persecute the Turkish Cypriots.

We must not be a shelter for double-crossers.” Thereafter Turkish Cypriot members of Parliament, judges, and other officials were intimidated or prevented by force from carrying out their duties. A UN peace-keeping force was stationed in the Island in March 1964, which was not able to improve the situation since political power was usurped by the Greek Cypriots.

The United Nations not only failed to condemn the usurpation of the legal order in Cyprus by force, but actually rewarded it by treating the by then wholly Greek Cypriot administration as if it were the Government of Cyprus (Security Council Res.186 of 1964).

This acceptance has continued to the present day, and reflects no credit upon the United Nations, nor upon Britain and the other countries who have acquiesced in it. On 12th August 1964 the UK Representative to the UN wrote to his government in London as follows: “What is our policy and true feelings about the future of Cyprus and about Makarios? Judging from the English newspapers and many others, the feeling is very strong indeed against Makarios and his so-called government and nothing would please the British people more than to see him toppled and the Cyprus problem solved by the direct dealings between the Turks and the Greeks.

We are of course supporting the latter course, but I have never seen any expression of the official disapproval in public against Makarios and his evil doings. Is there an official view about this, and what do we think we should do in the long run? Sometimes it seems that the obsession of some people with “the Commonwealth” blinds us to everything else and it would be high treason to take a more active line against Makarios and his henchmen.

At other times the dominant feature seems to be concern lest active opposition against Makarios should lead to direct conflict with the Cypriots and end up with our losing our bases. I ask these questions, partly for background and partly because it really would be useful to know how far you feel we really are inhibited from taking up a more actively hostile attitude to the Greek Cypriots.

Their representative here is, as you know, a horror, and even the communists are thoroughly fed up with him, and it is therefore really not necessary for us to do anything more to weaken his position. But it is curious and sometimes very frustrating to sit in the Security Council and walk around the UN and have to listen to all the stuff about the wickedness of the Turks and their threats of invasion, when I and all my staff know very well what the real state of affairs is and how much Makarios and co.

• Are to blame.
• One can say what one thinks of course to a few people, but one cannot produce the evidence or argue the case fully with the vast majority of my UN colleagues so long as the official public attitude seems to be not to say anything rude about Makarios and his gang.
• These, I realise, are not entirely easy questions and I suspect that the answers may well depend on differences of view and attitude at your end, revolving round such questions as the Commonwealth and the truth about our defence needs.

Nevertheless I hope you can give us some of your real thoughts, if only for our private consumption. It would be a help to know what the thinking and the planning is and how far and for how long it is going to be necessary to continue to behave in, what at times does appear an unrealistic way and contrary to the popular feeling in Britain.” MASSACRES OF TURKISH CYPRIOT CIVILIANS The civilian massacres of 1963, 1964, 1967 and 1974 are of extreme importance to understand the Turkish Cypriot negotiating position to this day.

When the Turkish Cypriots objected to the amendment of the constitution Makarios put his plan into effect, and the Greek Cypriot attack began in December 1963″ said Lt.Gen. George Karayiannis of the Greek Cypriot militia in June 1965 (“Ethnikos Kiryx” 15.6.65). The General was of course referring to the notorious “Akritas” plan, which was the blueprint for the annihilation of the Turkish Cypriots and the annexation of the island to Greece.

On 28th December 1963 the Daily Express carried the following report from Cyprus: “We went tonight into the sealed-off Turkish Cypriot Quarter of Nicosia in which 200 to 300 people had been slaughtered in the last five days. We were the first Western reporters there and we have seen sights too frightful to be described in print.

Horror so extreme that the people seemed stunned beyond tears.” On 12th January 1964 the British High Commission in Nicosia wrote to London (telegram no.162) “The Greek (Cypriot) police are led by extremists who provoked the fighting and deliberately engaged in atrocities. They have recruited into their ranks as “special constables” gun-happy young thugs.

They threaten to try and punish any Turkish Cypriot police who wish to return to Cyprus Government. Makarios assured Sir Arthur Clark that there will be no attack. His assurance is as worthless as previous assurances have proved.” On 14th January 1964 the Daily Telegraph reported that the Turkish Cypriot inhabitants of Ayios Vassilious had been massacred on 26th December 1963, and reported their exhumation from a mass grave in the presence of the Red Cross.

A further massacre of Turkish-Cypriots, at Limassol, was reported by The Observer on 16th February 1964, and there were many more. On 17th February 1964 the Washington Post reported that Greek Cypriot fanatics appear bent on a policy of genocide. On 1st January 1964 the Daily Herald reported: “When I came across the Turkish Cypriot homes they were an appalling sight.

Apart from the walls they just did not exist. I doubt if a napalm attack could have created more devastation. Under roofs which had caved in I found a twisted mass of bed springs, children’s cots, and grey ashes of what had once been tables, chairs and wardrobes.

• In the neighbouring village of Ayios Vassilios I counted 16 wrecked and burned out homes.
• They were all Turkish Cypriot.
• In neither village did I find a scrap of damage to any Greek Cypriot house.” On 31st December 1963 “The Guardian” reported: “It is nonsense to claim, as the Greek Cypriots do, that all casualties were caused by fighting between armed men of both sides.

On Christmas Eve many Turkish Cypriot people were brutally attacked and murdered in their suburban homes, including the wife and children of a doctor -allegedly by a group of forty men, many in army boots and greatcoats.” Although the Turkish Cypriots fought back as best they could, and killed some militia, there were no massacres of Greek Cypriot civilians.

On 10th September 1964 the Secretary-General reported (UN doc.S/5950): “UNFICYP carried out a detailed survey of all damage to properties throughout the island during the disturbances,.it shows that in 109 villages, most of them Turkish-Cypriot or mixed villages, 527 houses have been destroyed while 2.000 others have suffered damage from looting.

In Ktima 38 houses and shops have been destroyed totally and 122 partially. In the Orphomita suburb of Nicosia, 50 houses have been totally destroyed while a further 240 have been partially destroyed there and in adjacent suburbs.” British troops in Cyprus at the time did what they could to protect the Turkish Cypriots, and their efforts are remembered to this day, but the scale and ferocity of the Greek Cypriot attacks made their task impossible.

On 6th February 1964 a British patrol found armed Greek Cypriot police attacking the Turkish Cypriot of Ayios Sozomenos. They were unable to stop the attack. On 13th February 1964 the Greeks and Greek Cypriots attacked the Turkish Cypriot quarter of Limassol with tanks, killing 16 and injuring 35. On 15th February 1964 “The Daily Telegraph” reported: “It is a real military operation which the Greek Cypriots launched against the six thousand inhabitants of the Turkish Cypriot Quarter yesterday morning.

A spokesman for the Greek Cypriot Government has recognised this officially. It is hard to conceive how Greek and Turkish Cypriots may seriously contemplate working together after all that has happened.” Professor Ernst Forsthoff, the neutral President of the Supreme Constitutional Court of Cyprus told Die Welt on 27th December 1963 that “Makarios bears on his shoulders the sole responsibility of the recent tragic events.

His aim is to deprive the Turkish community of their rights.” In an interview with UPI press agency on 30th December 1963 he said: “All this happened because Makarios wanted to remove all constitutional rights from the Turkish Cypriots.” More than 300 Turkish Cypriots are still missing without trace from these massacres of 1963/64.

These dreadful events were not the responsibility of “the Greek Colonels” of 1974, or an unrepresentative handful of Greek Cypriot extremists. The persecution of the Turkish Cypriots was an act of policy on the part of the Greek Cypriot political and religious leadership, which has to this day made no serious attempt to bring the murderers to justice.

1. Despite these facts, the Greek Cypriots sometimes allege that it was they who were attacked and it was the Turkish Cypriots who were determined to wreck the 1960 agreements.
2. The Turkish Cypriots were not only outnumbered by nearly four to one; but they were also surrounded in their villages by armed Greek Cypriots; they had no way of protecting their women and children, and Turkey was away across the sea.

The very idea that in those circumstances the Turkish Cypriots were the aggressors, is absurd. In his memoirs, the American Under-Secretary of State, George Ball, said “Makarios’s central interest was to block off Turkish intervention so that he and his Greek Cypriots could go on happily massacring Turkish Cypriots.

Obviously we would never permit that.” The fact is however that neither the US, the UK, the UN, nor anyone, other than Turkey eleven years later, ever took effective action to prevent it. DIVISION OF THE ISLAND Whatever the pretensions of the Greek Cypriot regime, the practical consequence of the events of 1963-1964 was the emergence of parallel administrative, judicial and legislative organs for each of the two peoples.

The Turkish Cypriots were forced to withdraw into enclaves, and it was in 1964, not in 1974, that Cyprus was divided. The Turkish Cypriots had to establish an elected authority to govern themselves whilst being confined in their enclaves. Greek Cypriots often claim that the Turkish Cypriots withdrew voluntarily from their positions in the State.

They were, in fact, excluded by threats to their personal safety. On 14th January 1964 “Il Giorno” daily of Italy reported: “Right now we are witnessing the exodus of Turkish Cypriots from the villages. Thousands of people abandoning homes, land, herds. Greek Cypriot terrorism is relentless. This time the rhetoric of the Hellenes and the statues of Plato do not cover up their barbaric and ferocious behaviour.” The UN Secretary-General reported to the Security Council (UN doc.S/8286): “When the disturbances broke out in December 1963 and continued during the first part of 1964 thousands of Turkish-Cypriots fled their homes, taking with them only what they could drive or carry, and sought refuge in safer villages and areas.” The UK House of Commons Select Committee on Foreign Affairs, after reviewing the issue in 1987, found that “When in July 1965 the Turkish Cypriot members of the House of Representatives had sought to resume their seats they were told that they could do so only if they accepted the legislative changes to the operation of the Constitution enacted in their absence” (ie.

if they agreed to fundamental constitutional changes to the great disadvantage of their community, imposed upon them by force of arms). In September 1964 the Secretary-General had reported to the Security Council (UN doc.5950): “In addition to losses incurred in agriculture and in industry during the first part of the year, the Turkish Cypriot community had lost other sources of its income including the salaries of over 4000 persons who were employed by the Cyprus Government.” The trade of the Turkish Cypriot community had considerably declined during the period, and unemployment reached a very high level of approximately 25,000 breadwinners.

Turkish-Cypriots had become refugees in their own land. At the same time, as reported by the UN Secretary-General on 10th September 1964: “The economic restrictions being imposed against the Turkish Cypriot communities, which in some instances has been so severe as to amount to veritable siege, indicated that the Government of Cyprus seeks to force a potential solution by economic pressure.” (UN doc.

S/5950). On 24th July 1965 the United Kingdom formally protested the unlawful action of the Greek Cypriots, but continued to deal with them as the Government of Cyprus, and took no effective action to stop them doing as they pleased. In his memoirs published in 1987 former British Foreign Secretary and Prime Minister, James Callaghan, records that, “there is no question that the Turkish Cypriots had for many years been denied their political rights under the 1960 Constitution, and their basic human rights”.

1. The United Nations, the Commonwealth and the rest of the world have put political expediency before principle, and failed to condemn this appalling behaviour.
2. Greek Cypriots are guilty of attempted genocide but no action has ever been taken against them.
3. Instead they have been rewarded by recognition as the Government of all Cyprus.

The Turkish Cypriots by contrast were frozen out of the UN, the Commonwealth and almost every other international organisation, and were not allowed to be heard when many important decisions affecting their future were made. Resolution 186 of 4th March 1964 is the first UN Security Council Resolution which equated the Greek Cypriot regime with the “Government of Cyprus.” The status conferred by this act by the United Nations itself has enabled the Greek Cypriots for more than thirty years to treat the Turkish Cypriots as a mere community, to take most of the international aid for themselves, to impose an embargo on Turkish Cypriot trade and communications with the outside world, to occupy the Cyprus chair in all international institutions, and to convince the world that they, and not the Turkish Cypriots, are the victims of Cyprus issue.

Sir Anthony Kershaw MC, MP, Chairman of the UK House of Commons Select Committee on Foreign Affairs until 1987 explained in a speech in Cyprus on 23rd October 1990 how the UN came to accept the Greek Cypriots as the Cyprus Government: “It was decided that UN troops should be sent to preserve order, but the UN can only send troops if the legal government of the country concerned asks for them.

The only organisation which could in 1964 be called the Government of Cyprus was the administration headed by Makarios. The Turkish Cypriots pointed out that this was not the legal government of Cyprus but such was the pressure of the times that the UN said: Look your people are dying – let’s get the troops out right away and the lawyers can sort it out later.

• So it was decided, but since that time the UN has treated the Greek Cypriots as the only government of Cyprus, basing this upon a treaty and a constitution which had been repudiated and broken by the Greek Cypriot government itself.
• I do not deny that the Greek Cypriot government is the de facto government of the South of Cyprus.

It has all the attributes of sovereignty, but so has the government of Northern Cyprus.” In the opinion of Mr.Monroe Leigh, the distinguished American international lawyer “The mere fact of international recognition, no matter how widespread, cannot excuse or confer legitimacy upon the violations of both constitutional law and international treaty law through which the Greek Cypriot regime usurped the name as well as the government of the Republic of Cyprus.” (Written opinion 20.7.1990).

THE EVENTS OF 1974 In 1971 General Grivas returned to Cyprus to form EOKA-B, which was again committed to making Cyprus a wholly Greek island and annexing it to Greece. In a speech to the Greek Cypriot armed forces (Quoted in “New Cyprus” May 1987), Grivas said. “The Greek forces from Greece have come to Cyprus in order to impose the will of the Greeks of Cyprus upon the Turks.

We want ENOSIS but the Turks are against it. We shall impose our will. We are strong and we shall do so.” Greek Invasion and coup d’etat By 15th July 1974 a powerful force of mainland Greek troops had assembled in Cyprus and with their backing the Greek Cypriot National Guard, in a coup d’etat, overthrew Makarios and installed Nicos Sampson as “President.” On 22nd July Washington Star News reported: “Bodies littered the streets and there were mass burials.

People told by Makarios to lay down their guns, were shot by the National Guard.” Turkish Cypriots appealed to the Guarantor powers for help, but only Turkey was willing to give any effective response. The Greek newspaper Eleftherotipia published an interview with Nicos Sampson on 26th February 1981 in which he said “Had Turkey not intervened I would not only have proclaimed ENOSIS – I would have annihilated the Turks in Cyprus.” Even Greek Cypriots sought Turkey’s help.

In her memoirs, Greek Cypriot Member of Parliament Rina Katselli, says: “16th July 1974: Is Makarios alive? Is he dead? The Makarios supporters arrested, the EOKA-B supporters freed. I did not shed a tear, why should I? Did the stupidity and fanaticism deserve a tear? There are some who beg Turkey to intervene.

They prefer the intervention of Turkey.” “18th July 1974: My God!. Everyone is frozen with fear.the old man who asked for the body of his son was shot on the spot.The tortures and executions at the central prison. everyone is frozen with horror. Nothing is sacred to these people, and they call themselves Greeks!.

we must not keep that name any longer.” Missing Persons No human tragedy has been the subject of such blatant political exploitation as the case of missing persons in Cyprus. For more than thirty years, successive Greek Cypriot governments deceived their people into thinking that their loved ones might still be alive, but in October 1995 they had to admit that not only were many of them known to be dead, but that the whereabouts of their remains were also known, and had been withheld from their families.

• Some were not even missing; Andreas Mayas (Missing Person no.572), was alive and receiving a state pension.
• During the fighting with Turkish troops between 20th July and 16th August 1974 many Greek Cypriots died in combat.
• So far as possible their bodies were recovered and identified by Turkish forces.

There were very few deaths of Greek Cypriots civilians. The balance of probabilities is therefore that of those Greek Cypriots still listed as missing most were killed during the Sampson coup of 15th – 20th July 1974, and that others died in combat. Some are in mass graves such as those described by Father Papatsestos, and the remainder have no known grave.

Those killed in the fighting with the Turkish army would not have died if the Greek Cypriots and Greece had not tried to annihilate the Turkish Cypriots and annex the island to Greece, and the blame for their deaths must rest firmly upon their own leadership. Prisoners of War taken by the Turkish Army were sent to Turkey, where they were visited by the Red Cross, and repatriated on 8th August 1974, 16th September 1974, and 28th October 1975 under international supervision.

There are no prisoners of war in Turkey. On 17th April 1991 US Ambassador Ledsky told the Senate Foreign Relations Committee “The US Ambassador to Turkey has looked into all of these allegations and found there was no substance. The Turkish Government was cooperative and the Turkish and US Governments worked together on this.

The subject has been exhausted and we haven’t even heard an allegation in two years.” On 3rd March 1996 the Greek Cypriot Cyprus Mail wrote: “(Greek) Cypriot governments have found it convenient to conceal the scale of atrocities during the 15th July coup in an attempt to downplay its contribution to the tragedy of the summer of 1974 and instead blame the Turkish invasion for all casualties.

There can be no justification for any government that failed to investigate this sensitive humanitarian issue. The shocking admission by the Clerides government that there are people buried in Nicosia cemetery who are still included in the list of the “missing” is the last episode of a human drama which has been turned into a propaganda tool.” On 19th October 1996 Mr.Georgios Lanitis wrote: “I was serving with the Foreign Information Service of the Republic of Cyprus in London.

• I deeply apologise to all those I told that there are 1.619 missing persons.
• I misled them.
• I was made a liar, deliberately, by the Government of Cyprus.
• Today it seems that the credibility of Cyprus is nil.” On 17th April 1991 Ambassador Nelson Ledsky testified before the US Senate Foreign Relations Committee that “Most of the missing persons disappeared in the first days of July 1974, before the Turkish intervention on the 20th.

Many killed on the Greek side were killed by Greek Cypriots in fighting between supporters of Makarios and Sampson.” On 19th July 1974, before the Turkish army landed, Archbishop Makarios told the UN Security Council: “I do not yet know the details of the Cyprus crisis caused by the Greek military regime.

• I am afraid that the number of losses is great.
• I considered the danger from Turkey lesser than the danger from Greek army officers.” The Greek newspaper TA NEA published an interview on 28th February 1976 with Father Papatsestos, the Greek Orthodox priest in charge of the Nicosia cemetery.
• He recounted the events of 17th July 1974 when Greek officers required him to bury truckloads of Greek Cypriots in mass graves, together with one young Greek Cypriot whom they buried alive, and ten dead Turkish Cypriots.

This one priest counted at least 127 bodies brought to him, and there must have been many similar incidents throughout the island. On 22nd July 1974, The Times reported that “a production Director from Dublin said he had seen bodies being buried in a mass grave near Paphos after last Monday’s coup.

People were told by Makarios to lay down their guns and were shot out of hand by the National Guard, he said.” On 6th November 1974 TA NEA also reported the erasure of dates from the graves of Greek Cypriots killed in the five days, 15th – 20th July, in order to blame their deaths on the subsequent Turkish military action.

On 5th March 1996, US Ambassador Ledsky confirmed that there is no evidence that any of the missing persons is still alive. Turkey Responds In his book “The Way the Wind Blows”, former British Prime Minister, Sir Alec Douglas-Home said: “I was convinced that if Archbishop Makarios could not bring himself to treat the Turkish Cypriots as human beings, he was inviting the invasion and partition of the island.” US Under-Secretary of State, George Ball, said “Makarios central interest was to block off Turkish intervention so that he and his Greek Cypriots could go on happily massacring Turkish Cypriots” After consultations with Britain which did not want to take joint action under the Treaty of Guarantee, Turkey intervened as a Guarantor Power on 20 July 1974 in conformity with its rights and obligations deriving from the Treaty of Guarantee.

Intervention by Turkey blocked the way to annexation of the Island by Greece and brought security and hope, after eleven years, to the Turkish Cypriots. In an article on 28th February 1976 in the Greek Cypriot press Father Papatsestos said: “In is a rather hard thing to say, but it is true that the Turkish intervention saved us from a merciless internecine war.

The Sampson regime had prepared a list of all Makarios supporters, and they would have slaughtered them all.” Many of the people saved by Turkey are members of the present Greek Cypriot leadership. In July 1974, after the first phase of the Turkish intervention, an international conference was held at Geneva between Turkey, Greece and Britain.

It was agreed that Greek and Greek Cypriot forces would leave all the Turkish Cypriot enclaves, but showing their customary disregard for international agreements they proceeded instead to murder almost the entire civilian population of six Turkish Cypriot enclaves in both the north and south of the island, and despite the presence in Cyprus of UN troops.

The German newspaper Die Zeit wrote on 30th August 1974 “the massacre of Turkish Cypriots in Paphos and Famagusta is the proof of how justified the Turkish were to undertake their (August) intervention”. In the village of Tokhni on 14th August 1974 all the Turkish Cypriot men between the ages of 13 and 74, except for eighteen who managed to escape, were taken away and shot.

(Times, Guardian, 21st August) In Zyyi on the same day all the Turkish Cypriot men aged between 19 and 38 were taken away by Greek Cypriots and were never seen again. On the same day Greek Cypriots opened fire in the Turkish Cypriot neighbourhood of Paphos killing men, women, and children indiscriminately.

On 23rd July 1974 the Washington Post reported “In a Greek raid on a small Turkish village near Limassol 36 people out of a population of 200 were killed. The Greeks said that they had been given orders to kill the inhabitants of the Turkish villages before the Turkish forces arrived.” (See also Times, Guardian, 23rd July).

• The Greeks began to shell the Turkish quarter on Saturday, refugees said.
• Azan Derviş, a Turkish Cypriot girl aged 15, said she had been staying with her uncle.
• The (Greek Cypriot) National Guard came into the Turkish sector and shooting began.
• She saw her uncle and other relatives taken away as prisoners, and later heard her uncle had been shot.” (Times 23.7.74) “Before my uncle was taken away by the soldiers, he shouted to me to run away.

I ran to the streets, and the soldiers were shooting all the time. I went into a house and I saw a woman being attacked by soldiers. They were raping her. Then they shot her in front of my eyes. I ran away again and Turkish Cypriot men and women looked after me.

They were escaping as well. They broke holes in the sides of houses, so we could get away without going into the streets. There were lots of women and children screaming, and soldiers were firing at us all the time.” On 28th July the New York Times reported that 14 Turkish-Cypriot men had been shot in Alaminos.

On 24th July 1974 “France Soir” reported “The Greeks burned Turkish mosques and set fire to Turkish homes in the villages around Famagusta. Defenceless Turkish villagers who have no weapons live in an atmosphere of terror and they evacuate their homes and go and live in tere a shame to humanity.” On 22nd July Turkish Prime Minister Ecevit called upon the UN to “stop the genocide of Turkish-Cypriots” and declared “Turkey has accepted a cease-fire, but will not allow Turkish-Cypriots to be massacred” (Times 23rd July).

At the beginning of the Second Geneva Conference he said “A solution which is not based on geographical separation will not work. It is out of the question for us to entrust the safety of the Turkish Cypriots to the Greeks, who cannot even rule themselves. The areas around the Turkish forces are being mined, and the Turkish Cypriot villages are still under siege.” The UK House of Commons Select Committee on Cyprus reported in 1976 that “the second phase of military operations was inevitable in the view of your committee as the position reached by Turkish forces at the time of the first ceasefire was untenable militarily” On 12th March 1977 Makarios declared “It is in the name of ENOSIS that Cyprus has been destroyed.” The Cyprus question has been the subject of negotiations, under U.N.

auspices, between the Turkish Cypriot and Greek Cypriot peoples, as the two parties to the Cyprus dispute, since 1968. The details of inter-communal talks held between 1968-1974, 1975-1979, 1980-1983, 1988-1992 and 1999-2004 are recorded in the annals of the U.N.

• Security Council and the U.N.
• General Assembly.
• The fundamental basis of the search for a just and lasting solution in Cyprus has been the equal partnership of the two peoples in the Island (the internal balance) and the maintenance of the balance established between the two motherlands, Turkey and Greece (the external balance) over Cyprus.

In the course of the efforts conducted under the auspices of successive UN Secretaries-General for a settlement, a number of basic parameters have emerged, such as bi-zonality, political equality, continuation of the Treaties of Guarantee and of Alliance, resolution of the property issue on the basis of global exchange and/or compensation and restrictions on the three freedoms (of movement, settlement and property).

Is Cyprus owned by Turkey or Greece?

Independence and inter-communal violence – Cyprus was placed under the United Kingdom ‘s administration based on the Cyprus Convention in 1878 and was formally annexed by the UK in 1914. The future of the island became a matter of disagreement between the two prominent ethnic communities, Greek Cypriots, who made up 77% of the population in 1960, and Turkish Cypriots, who made up 18% of the population. Ethnic map of Cyprus according to the 1960 census Following nationalist violence in the 1950s, Cyprus was granted independence in 1960. On 16 August 1960, Cyprus attained independence after the Zürich and London Agreement between the United Kingdom, Greece and Turkey.

Cyprus had a total population of 573,566; of whom 442,138 (77.1%) were Greeks, 104,320 (18.2%) Turks, and 27,108 (4.7%) others. The UK retained the two Sovereign Base Areas of Akrotiri and Dhekelia, while government posts and public offices were allocated by ethnic quotas, giving the minority Turkish Cypriots a permanent veto, 30% in parliament and administration, and granting the three mother-states guarantor rights.

However, the division of power as foreseen by the constitution soon resulted in legal impasses and discontent on both sides, and nationalist militants started training again, with the military support of Greece and Turkey respectively. The Greek Cypriot leadership believed that the rights given to Turkish Cypriots under the 1960 constitution were too extensive and designed the Akritas plan, which was aimed at reforming the constitution in favour of Greek Cypriots, persuading the international community about the correctness of the changes and violently subjugating Turkish Cypriots in a few days should they not accept the plan.

1. Tensions were heightened when Cypriot President Archbishop Makarios III called for constitutional changes, which were rejected by Turkey : 17–20  and opposed by Turkish Cypriots.
2. Intercommunal violence erupted on 21 December 1963, when two Turkish Cypriots were killed at an incident involving the Greek Cypriot police.

The violence resulted in the death of 364 Turkish and 174 Greek Cypriots, destruction of 109 Turkish Cypriot or mixed villages and displacement of 25,000–30,000 Turkish Cypriots. The crisis resulted in the end of the Turkish Cypriot involvement in the administration and their claiming that it had lost its legitimacy; : 56–59  the nature of this event is still controversial.

In some areas, Greek Cypriots prevented Turkish Cypriots from travelling and entering government buildings, while some Turkish Cypriots willingly withdrew due to the calls of the Turkish Cypriot administration. Turkish Cypriots started living in enclaves, The republic’s structure was changed, unilaterally, by Makarios, and Nicosia was divided by the Green Line, with the deployment of UNFICYP troops.

: 56–59  In 1964, Turkey threatened to invade Cyprus in response to the continuing Cypriot intercommunal violence, but this was stopped by a strongly worded telegram from the US President Lyndon B. Johnson on 5 June, warning that the US would not stand beside Turkey in case of a consequential Soviet invasion of Turkish territory.

• Meanwhile, by 1964, enosis was a Greek policy and would not be abandoned; Makarios and the Greek prime minister Georgios Papandreou agreed that enosis should be the ultimate aim and King Constantine wished Cyprus “a speedy union with the mother country”.
• Greece dispatched 10,000 troops to Cyprus to counter a possible Turkish invasion.

The crisis of 1963–64 had brought further intercommunal violence between the two communities, displaced more than 25,000 Turkish Cypriots into enclaves : 56–59  and brought the end of Turkish Cypriot representation in the republic. On 15 July 1974, a coup d’état was staged by Greek Cypriot nationalists and elements of the Greek military junta in an attempt at enosis,

1. This action precipitated the Turkish invasion of Cyprus on 20 July, which led to the capture of the present-day territory of Northern Cyprus and the displacement of over 150,000 Greek Cypriots and 50,000 Turkish Cypriots.
2. A separate Turkish Cypriot state in the north was established by unilateral declaration in 1983; the move was widely condemned by the international community, with Turkey alone recognising the new state.

These events and the resulting political situation are matters of a continuing dispute,

Are Cypriots friendly?

People. Hospitality, accompanied by authentic smiles and friendly faces, is what characterizes Greek Cypriot people. Loyal to family bonds, traditions and culture, lovers of nice food and endless entertainment, Cypriots are always friendly and approachable.

Is Cyprus expensive?

Is Cyprus Expensive? Average Cyprus Trip Cost – As discussed in the article above, there are definitely some areas in Cyprus that are far more expensive than others. All in all, with all the above factors considered, this is how much you should expect to spend per person per day on average in Cyprus, assuming that you are splitting the costs of things like accommodation and car hire between two people: Accommodation: €20-75 / night Transportation: €20-40 / day Food: €15-25 / day Activities: €5-10 / day Entertainment: €5-15 /day Taking into account all of the previously discussed prices in Cyprus, plan to spend at least about €65-165 per person per day while on the island. Sea Caves in Ayia Napa Is Cyprus expensive? Well, prices in Cyprus certainly aren’t the lowest that you’ll find in Europe, however, it also isn’t necessarily a super expensive destination and there are ways that you can save you money and still enjoy your trip. Are you trying to calculate your Cyprus trip cost? Have you been to Cyprus? Let us know in the comments! Like It? Pin It!

What is Cyprus famous for?

Cyprus is famous for the Limassol carnival, Wreck diving (Zenobia wreck), Haloumi cheese and Commandaria, the sweet dessert wine from Cyprus. Background: Cypriot culture is among the oldest in the Mediterranean. The island fell successively under Assyrian, Egyptian, Persian, Greek, and Roman domination.

Is Cyprus better than Greece?

Reasons To Visit Cyprus – So, is Cyprus worth visiting – yes, here is why;

Thanks to its eastern location, wonderful weather all year around, and often less windy than Greece Plenty of low-cost flights head to Cyprus in the summer months, and it tends to be a cheaper holiday than Greece Because Cyprus is smaller, it’s an excellent choice for a shorter holiday, and you won’t feel like you’re missing out on anything Beautiful beaches, including Nissi Beach, which is often considered one of the best in Europe Fantastic diving opportunities Cyprus offers many natural spots to visit, such as the hidden sand dunes in Limassol or the flamingos in Larnaca. Avakas Gorge is also a must-visit for keen hikers Everything is within easy reach, so there is no need to travel too far

Is part of Cyprus Turkish?

Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus Kuzey Kıbrıs Türk Cumhuriyeti ( Turkish )
Flag Coat of arms
Anthem: İstiklâl Marşı “Independence March” 1:17
Status	Recognised by 1 out of 193 member states of the United Nations Recognised by the United Nations as de jure part of Cyprus
Capital and largest city	North Nicosia ( de facto ) Nicosia ( de jure ) 35°11′N 33°22′E  /  35.183°N 33.367°E
Official languages	Turkish
Vernacular	Cypriot Turkish
Demonym(s)	Turkish Cypriot Cypriot Turk
Government	Unitary semi-presidential republic
• President	Ersin Tatar
• Prime Minister	Ünal Üstel
• Assembly Speaker	Zorlu Töre
Legislature	Assembly of the Republic
Establishment
• Turkish invasion of Cyprus	20 July 1974
• Autonomous Turkish Cypriot Administration	1 October 1974
• Turkish Federated State of Cyprus	13 October 1975
• Independence from the Republic of Cyprus	15 November 1983
Area
• Total	3,355 km 2 (1,295 sq mi) ( unranked )
• Water (%)	2.7
Population
• 2021 estimate	382,836
• Density	114/km 2 (295.3/sq mi) ( unranked )
GDP (nominal)	2018 estimate
• Total	$4.234 billion
• Per capita	$14,942
Currency	Turkish lira (₺) ( TRY )
Time zone	UTC +2 ( EET )
• Summer ( DST )	UTC +3 ( EEST )
Driving side	left
Calling code	+90 392
Internet TLD	ct.tr/nc.tr or,tr

Northern Cyprus, officially the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus ( TRNC ), is a de facto state that comprises the northeastern portion of the island of Cyprus, It is recognised only by Turkey and its territory is considered by the international community to be part of the Republic of Cyprus,

1. Northern Cyprus extends from the tip of the Karpass Peninsula in the northeast to Morphou Bay, Cape Kormakitis and its westernmost point, the Kokkina exclave in the west.
2. Its southernmost point is the village of Louroujina,
3. A buffer zone under the control of the United Nations stretches between Northern Cyprus and the rest of the island and divides Nicosia, the island’s largest city and capital of both sides.

A coup d’état in 1974, performed as part of an attempt to annex the island to Greece, prompted the Turkish invasion of Cyprus, This resulted in the eviction of much of the north’s Greek Cypriot population, the flight of Turkish Cypriots from the south, and the partitioning of the island, leading to a unilateral declaration of independence by the north in 1983.

• Due to its lack of recognition, Northern Cyprus is heavily dependent on Turkey for economic, political and military support.
• Attempts to reach a solution to the Cyprus dispute have been unsuccessful.
• The Turkish Army maintains a large force in Northern Cyprus with the support and approval of the TRNC government, while the Republic of Cyprus, the European Union as a whole, and the international community regard it as an occupation force.

This military presence has been denounced in several United Nations Security Council resolutions, Northern Cyprus is a semi-presidential, democratic republic with a cultural heritage incorporating various influences and an economy that is dominated by the services sector.

1. The economy has seen growth through the 2000s and 2010s, with the GNP per capita more than tripling in the 2000s, but is held back by an international embargo due to the official closure of the ports in Northern Cyprus by the Republic of Cyprus.
2. The official language is Turkish, with a distinct local dialect being spoken.

The vast majority of the population consists of Sunni Muslims, while religious attitudes are mostly moderate and secular. Northern Cyprus is an observer state of ECO and OIC under the name ” Turkish Cypriot State “, PACE under the name “Turkish Cypriot Community”, and Organization of Turkic States with its own name.

Does Cyprus use euros?

Cyprus joined the European Union in 2004 and adopted the euro on 1 January 2008.

Why is Cyprus not in Schengen?

Ireland and Cyprus will still continue stamping travellers’ passports even after the Entry/Exit System (EES) becomes operational sometime by the end of this year, or the beginning of next year, in the European Union. ” In Cyprus and Ireland, despite being countries of the European Union, passports are still stamped manually,” the EU notes in the official website of the EES. The reason behind, is that both Cyprus and Ireland are not part of the Schengen Zone, and while the first cannot start the accession procedures due to its border issues with the other half of the Cypriot island, the latter had refused to join Schengen back in 1985. The EES is a recently developed automated IT system in the EU that will be keeping track of travellers entering and leaving the Schengen Area. Amongst others, the EES will replace passport stamping, which will become digital, SchengenVisaInfo.com reports. The system was expected to become effective in May this year and was later postponed to November. However, the agency responsible for its operation, the eu-LISA, has confirmed for SchengenVisaInfo.com that the date when the EES will become operational remains unknown, While it will not affect Ireland and Cyprus anyhow, the system will, however, apply to Romania and Bulgaria, since both of them are still in the process of joining the Schengen Area. ” Please note that Bulgaria and Romania do not issue Schengen visas, however both countries use the EES. Therefore, when planning to travel to Bulgaria and Romania there are specific rules that you should take into account,” it is said in the EES website. Further, the EU explains that those travelling to these two countries without having to obtain a Schengen visa, will have their duration of stay there calculated to the overall permitted period of stay in the Schengen, which is 90 days for any 180 days. The rule will in particular affect travellers from other continents who have used Romania and Bulgaria, and even Croatia up until January 1 this year, to reset the total limited period of stay in the Schengen countries. Those in need of a Schengen visa who are given a specific number of days to spend in the Schengen Zone, will not have those days counted if they decide to spend some time in Bulgaria or Romania. However, the period of stay will be taken into account when checking compliance with the overall limit of 90 days in 180 days. >> Britons Who Used Croatia As a Base to Reset Their Schengen Day Count No Longer Able to Do So

Is Cyprus a EU passport?

Cyprus Passport: A Bridge to Europe – Cyprus is a full member of the European Union (EU), which means that Cypriot citizens are also citizens of the EU. Cypriot passport holders have access to the nation’s incredible healthcare and education systems and can travel and reside freely in any of the member states of the European Union.

Is Cyprus a good place to live?

How safe is Cyprus for tourists and residents? – Cyprus is generally considered a safe destination for both tourists and residents. The country has a relatively low crime rate compared to many other European countries, and violent crime is rare. However, like any other destination, there are still some safety concerns that visitors and residents should be aware of.

1. Petty theft, such as pickpocketing, can be a problem in tourist areas, especially during the high season.
2. Visitors should take precautions such as keeping their valuables close to them and not leaving them unattended.
3. Cyprus also has a relatively high rate of traffic accidents, and visitors should take care when driving or crossing the street.

It is important to be aware of local traffic laws and to drive defensively. The country is also prone to natural hazards such as wildfires, flash floods, and earthquakes. Visitors should be aware of these risks and follow the guidance of local authorities.

What is the religion of Cyprus?

Languages The official languages of the island are Greek and Turkish, whilst English is widely spoken. French, German and Russian are also spoken within the tourism industry. Religion Cyprus enjoys an exceedingly high level of freedom of worship. While the majority of Greek-Cypriots are Greek Orthodox Christians, other denominations are represented on the island, including Armenians, Maronites and Roman Catholics.

The Turkish-Cypriot community is predominantly Muslim. The list below provides information on the different places of worship for the various religious denominations on the island by region: Island wide Greek Orthodox Churches General information for Greek Orthodox churches throughout the island Masses are held on: Saturday: 16:30-17:30 (winter) / 18:30-19:15 (summer), Sunday: 06:15-09:15 (all year round) Email: This email address is being protected from spambots.

You need JavaScript enabled to view it. Website: http://churchofcyprus.eu/author/churchofcyprus Lefkosia (Nicosia) Anglican Church (St. Paul) Leoforos Vyronos Tel.: +357 22 677 897, Tel. / Fax: +357 22 445 221 (office) Email: This email address is being protected from spambots.

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• Website: https://stpaulsnicosia.com/ Main Services: Sunday: 09:30 & 18:00 (all year round) Armenian Church (St.
• Mary) Armenias 47, Akropolis Tel.: +357 22 493 560, +357 22493581Fax: +357 22 492 750 Email: This email address is being protected from spambots.
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Services: Saturday: 16:00 (winter), 17:00 (summer), Sunday: 07:30 Roman Catholic Church (Holy Cross) Pyli Pafou, 1010 Lefkosia Tel.: +357 22 662 132, Fax: +357 22 660 767 Email: This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.

Website: www.holy-cross-nicosia.com/ Masses: Weekdays: 18:30 Monday, Thursday, Friday: 07.30 Wednesday 08:00 (English) Tuesday: 07:30 (Greek) Saturday: 07:30 and 18:30 (English) Sunday: 08:00, 10:30, 18:30 (English) November-March: 17:30 Additional masses at 12:00: Every 1st Sunday (French), every 2nd Sunday (Filipino), every 3rd Sunday (Indian), every 4th Sunday (Sri Lankan).

Greek Evangelical Church Gladstonos 20, 1095 Λευκωσία Tel.: +357 22 664 729 Website:http://www.geccy.org/leukosia Worship: Sunday 10.00 Maronite Church A) Panagia ton Chariton Pyli Pafou, Agiou Marona, 8 Tel.: +357 22 670 434, Fax: +357 22 668 260 Website: http://maroniteparchy.org.cy/en/ Masses: Monday-Saturday: 07:30, Sunday: 08:30, 10:30, Sunday (July & August): 07:30, 08:30, 18:30 B) Saint Maron Agiou Marona 17, Anthoupolis Τel:22427966 https://www.facebook.com/AyiosMaronas/ Masses: Daily: 18:30, Saturday: 18:30, Sunday: 08:30 Muslim / Omeriye Mosque Prayer: Friday: 12:30-13:30 The Russian Orthodox Church Ayios Andreas Russian Church Episkopeio village Tel: +357 22-465465.

1. Website:https://www.imtamasou.org.cy/ Open 9.00-17.00 The Coptic Orthodox Church A) St.
2. Mark Coptic Orthodox Church Exo Metochiou Street, 1, Aglantzia email: This email address is being protected from spambots.
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4. Https://www.facebook.com/zakarialovers/ Website: www.copticcy.com Lemesos (Limassol) Anglican Church (St.

Barnabas) Archiepiskopou Leontiou A’, 153A (opposite the Lemesos Old Hospital) Tel.: +357 25 362 713 / +357 96 612 371 (c/o Rev Canon Derek G Smith) Email: This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it. Website: www.stbarnabas-cyprus.com Worship: Sunday: 10:00 Pissouri Village (at AgiosLazaros Church, near Pissouri amphitheatre): 18:00, every 2nd and 4th Sunday.

Catholic Church (St. Catherine) Ierousalim, 2 & 28 Oktovriou, 259 Tel.: +357 25 362 946, Fax: +357 25 346 290 Email: This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it. website: http://www.cypruscatholicchurch.org/ Mass: Monday, Wednesday, Thursday: 18:30 (English) Tuesday, Friday: 18:30 (Greek) Saturday: 18:30 (English) Sunday: 08:00 (English), 09:30 (Greek), 11:00 (Latin), 18.30 (English) Armenian Church (St.

Kevork) Vasili Michaïlidi Street, 16 Tel.: +357 24 654 435 (Priest’s Residence) / +357 99 465 818 Εmail: This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it. Service: Every other Sunday: 09:30 Greek Evangelical Church Platonos 10A, Tel.: +357 99 431 525, +357 25 382 718 website: http://www.geccy.org/lemesos Worship: Sunday: 10:30 (English/Greek), Wednesday: 17:30 (Bible Study) German Evangelical Church A) Isavellas Street, 5B, Kiana Court, 4045 Germasogeia Tel.: +357 25 317 092 Email: This email address is being protected from spambots.

You need JavaScript enabled to view it. Website: www.ev-kirche-zypern.de Maronite Church 1. St. Charbel Church Moni Machaira, 3, 3020 Lemesos Tel.: +357 99 467 501 Website:www.maroniteparchy.org.cy Masses: Saturday: 18:30 (Lebanese), Sunday: 09:30, Daily: 08:00 (Greek and Arabic) 2. Agia Marina Church Kato Polemidia Masses: Every Sunday at 08.00 (Greek) Website: www.maroniteparchy.org.cy Coptic Orthodox Church St Mary & Pope Athanasios Church (behind Agios Athanasios Cemetery) Yangou Souroulla Street, 12 Tel.: +357 25 721 775 / +357 99 696 324 Website: www.copticcy.com Service: Wednesday: 18:00-19:30, Saturday: 08:00-09:30, Sunday: 08:00-11:00 Russian Orthodox Church 1.Philanthropou Christou Church, in Zakaki (near new port) Tel.: +357 25 327 307 Email: This email address is being protected from spambots.

You need JavaScript enabled to view it. Website: http://www.rus-church-cy.info/ru/ Liturgy: Saturday: 17:00, Sunday: 09:00 2.Saint Nicholas Russian Church Filonos 9, 4045 Germasogeia Tel: +357 99 787215 https://www.facebook.com/prihodSvtNikolaya/ website:http://rus-church-cy.info/ email: This email address is being protected from spambots.

You need JavaScript enabled to view it. Pafos (Paphos) Anglican Masses A) Agia Kyriaki / Chrysopolitissa Church Kato Pafos Tel.: +357 26 953 044,(+357) 99 103976 Fax: +357 26 952 486 Email: This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it. Website: www.paphosanglicanchurch.org.cy http://www.churchweddingspaphos.com/ Services: Sunday: 08:15, 18:00 Holy Communion: Wednesday 09:00 B) St Stephen’s Church Tala Village, Pafos c/o Tel.: +357 26 953 044 /(+357) 99 103976/ Fax: +357 26 952 486 Email: This email address is being protected from spambots.

You need JavaScript enabled to view it. Website: www.paphosanglicanchurch.org.cy http://www.churchweddingspaphos.com/ Service: Sunday: 11:00 Roman Catholic Masses A) Agia Kyriaki / Chrysopolitissa Church Kato Pafos Tel.: +357 26 931 308, Fax: +357 26 953 459 Email: This email address is being protected from spambots.

You need JavaScript enabled to view it. Website: http://www.stpauls-catholic-parish-paphos.com/ Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/St-Pauls-Catholic-Parish-Paphos-1402572743346554 Services: Monday, Tuesday, Thursday, Friday: 09:00 Wednesday: 12:00, Sunday: 10:00 (Latin), 11:00 (Polish), 12:00 (English) Saturday: 18.00 (English) 16.00 (Latin Parish Hall – Tombs of the Kings Road) German Evangelical Church At Agia Kyriaki / Chrysopolitissa Church Kato Pafos Τel:+357 26272091 Services: September-June: 16:00, every 2nd Saturday of the month.

Maronite Church Agia Kyriaki church, Pafos Tel.: +357 99 467 501 Mass: Every 3rd Sunday of the month at 15.30. The Russian Orthodox Church St George Agridion Pafos Town Τel: +357 – 26821000 – Pafos Holy Bishopric Mass every 1st Sunday of the month Polis (Pafos District) Roman Catholic Mass St.

1. Dimitrios Church c/o Tel.: +357 26 931 308 Mass: Saturday: 18:00 (English) Anglican Masses St.
2. Luke’s Church Prodromi Village Tel.: +357 26 953 044 / +35799 103976 Email: This email address is being protected from spambots.
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4. Website: www.paphosanglicanchurch.org.cy http://www.churchweddingspaphos.com/ Service: Sunday: 09:30 Larnaka (Larnaca) Anglican Church (St.

Helena) Leoforos Gr. Afxentiou & Ag. Elenis Tel.: +357 24 651 327 / +357 24 626 824 (10:00-12:00) Email: This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it. Website: www.sainthelenas.com Holy Communion: Sunday: 09:30 Armenian Church (St.

Stefanos) Armenikis Eklisias c/o Tel.: +357 24 654 435 (Priest’s Residence) / +357 99 465 818 Services: Sunday: 09:30, every other Sunday. Santa Maria delle Grazie Catholic Church Terra Santa 8 Tel.: +357 24 642 858, Fax: +357 24 434 953 Email: This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.

Masses: Resthouse: Monday – Saturday: 08:00 (Italian) Monday – Saturday: 18:30 (English) Sunday: 08:00 (Greek), 09:30 (English), 18:30 (Polish) Greek Evangelical Church of Cyprus Grigori Afxentiou (opposite Old Hospital Bldg.) tel: +357 99 896693 +357 99718805 +357 99 896693 Mass: Sunday 10.00-12.00 website: http://www.geccy.org/larnaka/ The Russian Orthodox Church- Church of Semistrelnaya Alethriko Village Tel.: +357 99 805 842 Website: www.xpam.name The Coptic Orthodox Church Agios Minas Chapel Xylofagou (near Xylofagou cemetery) Tel.: +357 22 336 722 / +357 99 420 070 / +357 99 720 522 / +357 99 593 447 Mass: Every 3rd Sunday The Maronite Church / St Joseph Church Kilkis Street (Med High School), 1654 Larnaka Tel.: +357 24 652 449 Mass: Sunday: 09:30 Synagogue At the Cyprus Jewish Community Centre Diogenous 7B, 6020 Larnaka P.O.Box 42461, 6534 Larnaka Tel.: +357 24 668753 Fax: +357 24 828 771 Website: www.chabadcyprus.com http://www.jewishcyprus.com/ Shabbat Service: Saturday: 10:00, Friday: 19:00 (winter), 20:00 (summer) Agia Napa Anglican Mass (Christ Church) Scandinavian Church Nissi Avenue, 68 Tel.: +357 97 839 349 Email: This email address is being protected from spambots.

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• Website: www.christchurchayianapa.org Service: Sunday 11:00 Roman Catholic Mass – Ayia Mavri Church –Next to Ayia Napa Town Hall – Sunday 9.30 – Archangel Michael Church –Paralimni church 11.00 Τel.: (00357) 23812444 Holy Bishopric of Constantia- Famagusta Scandinavian Church Cyprus Nissi Avenue 68, Ayia Napa Tel.: +357 23 722 798 Service/Meeting: Website: https://www.svenskakyrkan.se/ayianapa, www.sjomannskirken.no/ayianapa Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/ayianapa.se E-mail: This email address is being protected from spambots.

You need JavaScript enabled to view it. The Russian Orthodox Church Ayios Nikolaos and Ayios Georgios Church καιΓεωργίου Paralimni Tel.: +357 99 822 012 (Father Aleksei) Email: This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.

Is Cyprus full of tourists?

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Petra tou Romiou (“Rock of the Greek”) where legend says that Aphrodite, the Greek goddess of love, emerged from the sea Avakas Gorge in Akamas Protaras beach in summer The sandy beaches are often used as habitats for green turtles Tourism in Cyprus occupies a dominant position in the country’s economy, and has significantly impacted its culture and multicultural development throughout the years. In 2006, the tourism industry made up 10.7% of the country’s GDP and the total employment in the tourism industry was estimated at 113,000 jobs.

Can Cypriots understand Greek?

Greek Cypriot speakers, on the other hand, have considerably less difficulty understanding Greeks, since Standard Greek is the official language of Cyprus, and as such it is the medium of education and the language of the Cypriot media.

Is Ayia Napa Greek or Turkish?

Geography – Cape Greco Ayia Napa lies near Cape Greco at the eastern part of Cyprus, south of Famagusta, and forms part of a larger area known as Kokkinochoria (“Red Villages”, a name derived from the vivid red colour of the soil). It is a town of the Famagusta District, in the remaining Greek-controlled southern part of the district, while the northern part has been occupied by Turkish forces since 1974.

Is part of Cyprus Turkish?

Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus Kuzey Kıbrıs Türk Cumhuriyeti ( Turkish )
Flag Coat of arms
Anthem: İstiklâl Marşı “Independence March” 1:17
Status	Recognised by 1 out of 193 member states of the United Nations Recognised by the United Nations as de jure part of Cyprus
Capital and largest city	North Nicosia ( de facto ) Nicosia ( de jure ) 35°11′N 33°22′E  /  35.183°N 33.367°E
Official languages	Turkish
Vernacular	Cypriot Turkish
Demonym(s)	Turkish Cypriot Cypriot Turk
Government	Unitary semi-presidential republic
• President	Ersin Tatar
• Prime Minister	Ünal Üstel
• Assembly Speaker	Zorlu Töre
Legislature	Assembly of the Republic
Establishment
• Turkish invasion of Cyprus	20 July 1974
• Autonomous Turkish Cypriot Administration	1 October 1974
• Turkish Federated State of Cyprus	13 October 1975
• Independence from the Republic of Cyprus	15 November 1983
Area
• Total	3,355 km 2 (1,295 sq mi) ( unranked )
• Water (%)	2.7
Population
• 2021 estimate	382,836
• Density	114/km 2 (295.3/sq mi) ( unranked )
GDP (nominal)	2018 estimate
• Total	$4.234 billion
• Per capita	$14,942
Currency	Turkish lira (₺) ( TRY )
Time zone	UTC +2 ( EET )
• Summer ( DST )	UTC +3 ( EEST )
Driving side	left
Calling code	+90 392
Internet TLD	ct.tr/nc.tr or,tr

Northern Cyprus, officially the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus ( TRNC ), is a de facto state that comprises the northeastern portion of the island of Cyprus, It is recognised only by Turkey and its territory is considered by the international community to be part of the Republic of Cyprus,

• Northern Cyprus extends from the tip of the Karpass Peninsula in the northeast to Morphou Bay, Cape Kormakitis and its westernmost point, the Kokkina exclave in the west.
• Its southernmost point is the village of Louroujina,
• A buffer zone under the control of the United Nations stretches between Northern Cyprus and the rest of the island and divides Nicosia, the island’s largest city and capital of both sides.

A coup d’état in 1974, performed as part of an attempt to annex the island to Greece, prompted the Turkish invasion of Cyprus, This resulted in the eviction of much of the north’s Greek Cypriot population, the flight of Turkish Cypriots from the south, and the partitioning of the island, leading to a unilateral declaration of independence by the north in 1983.

Due to its lack of recognition, Northern Cyprus is heavily dependent on Turkey for economic, political and military support. Attempts to reach a solution to the Cyprus dispute have been unsuccessful. The Turkish Army maintains a large force in Northern Cyprus with the support and approval of the TRNC government, while the Republic of Cyprus, the European Union as a whole, and the international community regard it as an occupation force.

This military presence has been denounced in several United Nations Security Council resolutions, Northern Cyprus is a semi-presidential, democratic republic with a cultural heritage incorporating various influences and an economy that is dominated by the services sector.

• The economy has seen growth through the 2000s and 2010s, with the GNP per capita more than tripling in the 2000s, but is held back by an international embargo due to the official closure of the ports in Northern Cyprus by the Republic of Cyprus.
• The official language is Turkish, with a distinct local dialect being spoken.

The vast majority of the population consists of Sunni Muslims, while religious attitudes are mostly moderate and secular. Northern Cyprus is an observer state of ECO and OIC under the name ” Turkish Cypriot State “, PACE under the name “Turkish Cypriot Community”, and Organization of Turkic States with its own name.

What percentage of Cyprus speaks Greek?

Greek is the official language of cyprus with 80.9 percent of the population speaking Greek. Turkish is the other official language, but only.2 percent of the population speaks it. Other languages spoken in Cyprus include ​Romanian, Russian, Bulgarian, Arabic, and Filipino.